Thursday, November 19, 2020

The Yemeni Civil War: The Persian Gulf’s Humanitarian Crisis

 



Introduction

The civil war in Yemen has raged on for six years, creating one of the world’s biggest humanitarian crisis in the 21st century.  Influenced by various historical, political, cultural, economic, and social dimensions, the Yemeni Civil War has grown into a multifaceted conflict that involves local, regional, and international actors and institutions.  The role and policies of the United States in Yemen is essential to the continued trajectory and conclusion of the civil war. The Yemeni Civil War is a perfect case study into 21st century humanitarian disasters in conflict zones given various dimensions that influence the course of the war, the overwhelming evidence of crisis within the country, drawing in the international community and US response, and possible solutions to end the conflict.

Background

            Yemen has a troubled history that influences the unresolved nature of the Yemeni Civil War.  Since Yemeni unification in 1990, the country has never entirely erased the religious, cultural, and political differences that have resulted in armed conflict in 1994 and from 2004 to 2010 (Laub & Robinson, 2020).  Between 1990 to 2012, Yemen’s leader was Ali Abduallah Saleh, a former military officer accused by various human rights groups of running a corrupt and autocratic government (Laub & Robinson, 2020).  Saleh was subject to an overthrow during the 2011 Arab Spring by political and military rivals that failed; however, mounting international pressure forced Saleh to resign in 2012 after receiving promises of immunity from prosecution (Laub & Robinson, 2020).  Vice President Abd Rabbu Mansour Hadi stepped in as interim president as part of a transition deal brokered by the Saudi-led Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), the United Nations, and the United States (Laub & Robinson, 2020).  The GCC and UN-brokered National Dialogue Conference (NDC) effort failed as various Yemeni factions moved to armed conflict to seize power by 2014, unable to resolve their differences.

            According to Laub and Robinson (2020), there are several reasons for the widening rift in Yemen between 2012 to 2014 that caused the current crisis rooted in subsidy backlash, Houthi takeover, military division, and the Saudi intervention.  The Hadi administration removed fuel subsidies in July 2014 that was part of the conditions of a $550 million loan from the International Monetary Fund; however, the Houthi movement organized significant mass protests to lower fuel prices and demand a new government (Laub & Robinson, 2020).  The Houthis moved to gain control of Yemen’s capital Sanaa and northwestern Yemen in mid-September 2014 as the Houthis gave up on a UN peace deal made earlier that month, which resulted in the collapse of the Hadi government and Hadi flee into exile in Saudi Arabia (Laub & Robinson, 2020).  These moves by the Houthis cascaded into the Yemeni military, effectively fracturing it as soldiers started backing different anti-Hadi factions and furthering the divisions within Yemeni society.   The collapse of peaceful mediation by the GCC shifted the mindset of regional powers like Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates from mediators into active players in the Yemeni conflict through engagement in a military campaign against the Houthis to restore the Hadi government (Laub & Robinson, 2020).  The various local factors leading to the Saudi-led intervention in Yemen began with the existing and widening fissures in Yemeni society that has been elusive to repair in the six-year-long war.

Factions in the Yemeni Conflict

            There are several factions on the ground in Yemen's conflict: the Republic of Yemen Government (ROYG), headed by President Hadi, Houthi forces, Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), and the Southern Transitional Council (STC), led by General Aidarous al Zubaidi (Sharp, 2020, p. 4).  Additionally, several regional actors assist these local actors: Saudi Arabia supporting the ROYG, Iran supporting Houthi forces, and the United Arab Emirates supporting the STC (Sharp, 2020, p. 4).  There are a few non-regional nations involved in Yemen, as well as several international organizations.  The United States is engaged in Yemen, providing material support to the Saudi-led intervention and conducting anti-terrorism operations against AQAP.  Nations such as the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Russia, and China have provided weapons sales to various Gulf states or local proxies (Werkauser & Human Rights Watch, 2020).  International organizations such as the United Nations, Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, World Health Organization, and International Red Cross provide various levels of assistance to the Yemeni people.  The non-localization of the Yemeni conflict with so many states being involved in varying degrees is a significant cause of non-resolution to Yemen's war.

Current Situation of the Yemeni Civil War

            In 2020, Yemen's situation remains a place of significant violence abounding with abject poverty, poor government, a collapsed economy, and famine.  The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) considers Yemen's situation the world’s worse humanitarian crisis (OCHA, 2020).  OCHA (2020) estimates 80% of the population or 24 million people require some form of assistance.  OCHA statistics paint a grim picture of Yemen's situation by stating 20 million Yemenis are food insecure, and 7.4 million are at risk of famine (OCHA, 2020).  Additionally, about 4.3 million people have fled their homes, with 3.3 million internally displaced (OCHA, 2020). Yemen’s public sector services are significantly constrained, with 51% of health centers remain operational, and 4.7 million children require some form of educational assistance as non-payment of salaries for teachers has impacted access to education (OCHA, 2020).  In the six years of fighting, the US-based Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED) estimates that about 100,000 Yemenis have died since 2015 (Sharp, 2020, pg. 4).  According to Human Rights Watch (2020), all parties in the conflict have been observed performing various human rights abuses, from unlawful airstrikes, children pressed into armed conflict, landmines, torture, and blocking and impeding humanitarian access.  Amnesty International reports that 4.5 million Yemenis have disabilities facing discrimination and humanitarian organizations have difficulty giving appropriate aid to those with disabilities (Debre, 2020). 

            One of the most significant current humanitarian issues in Yemen is access to humanitarian assistance and control of aid.  Human Rights Watch notes that all parties fighting on the ground in Yemen have done some access violations, whether from the Saudi-led coalition blockading Houthi controlled ports and airport to the Houthis restricting movements on aid in the city of Taizz (Human Rights Watch, 2020).  The port city of Hodeidah is one of the main ports for food and humanitarian assistance; the city has been a focal point of heavy fighting by the Houthis and the Saudi-led coalition since 2018 (Ghobari, 2019).  Issues with aid delivery continue as the United Nations has accused the Houthis that food aid has been stolen for other purposes, such as reselling supplies in black markets (Michael, 2018).  UN employees in Yemen have faced retaliation through the form of visa revoking and being forced out of the country if they report on the Houthis, conflicted between doing the right thing and maintaining aid access (Michael, 2018). 

UN Response to the Yemeni Conflict

            The UN has been involved in Yemen for many years before the current Yemeni Civil War, being a mediator in the political transition process after President Saleh resigned in 2011 (Laub & Robinson, 2020).  Despite UN efforts to manage Yemen's political divisions, the conflict escalated into large-scale military operations throughout the country; thus, the UN’s responsibility grew further into mediation and humanitarian assistance management.  Asseburg, Lacher, and Transfeld (2018, p. 44) note the UN has a near-impossible task of mediating Yemen's political divisions caused by a national level vacuum and ever-shifting local, regional, and international alliances make conflict resolution elusive.   The UN has performed piecemeal negotiations to stem the violence; however, large-scale peace remains out of reach because of the collapse of unified Yemen.   External influences from parties like Iran or the United States help bolster local actors' perceptions of power and ability to sustain their interests, explaining that the conflict’s longevity is by design (Asseburg, Lacher, & Transfeld, 2018, p. 56).

US Policy Response and Obligations in Yemen

            The longstanding US policy in Yemen is primarily grounded around anti-terrorism efforts against AQAP and maintain good relations with Saudi Arabia.  The Yemeni Civil War has immensely complicated US anti-terrorism efforts; however, those operations have been sustained throughout the conflict (Asseburg, Lacher, & Transfeld, 2018, p. 49-50).  The US has provided weapons to the Saudi-led coalition. Some of those weapons have been reportedly turned over directly to local Yemeni forces in possible violation of the US foreign military sales agreement (Sharp, 2020, p. 11).  The US has provided over $2.4 billion in humanitarian assistance to Yemen through USAID to support the World Food Programme (WFP) operations in Yemen, with an additional $30 million in direct bilateral aid to Yemen (Sharp, 2020, p. 13).  On May 6, 2020, the US announced $225 million in continued funding to the WFP aid operation just in time as the UN announced they would have to scale down operations due to lack of funding (Pamuk, 2020).  For the most part, US policy has stayed consistent between the Obama and Trump administration in the key objectives of anti-terrorism, support of the Saudi-led coalition, and humanitarian assistance.

Conclusion

            The Yemeni Civil War should be seen as a war of significant political differences between the local Yemeni actors. Each fight is to weaken each other’s position at any negotiation table.  The UN should maintain its forefront approach to negotiating, despite the UN Security Council's bias on which councilmembers support which sides of the conflict, realizing that the bigger peace at the regional level will remain elusive for some time to come.  A reunified Yemen before is off the table, and the UN should negotiate towards a possible power-sharing agreement.  Parties in the conflict need to have some way to facilitate compromise and devalue the mechanism of returning to fighting to gain more leverage.  Figuring out local interests and resolving the array of political issues in Yemen will eventually resolve the conflict, although it will not be a quick process.

            The US should seek greater accountability of its weapons sales if it chooses to continue selling weapons to the Gulf states.  The US should provide whatever clout it can provide to back up UN-brokered negotiations to end Yemen's fighting and humanitarian crisis.  Resolution of the Yemeni Civil War in a peaceful manner that considers all local actors on the ground could alleviate other pressing policies such as combating AQAP and reducing Iranian influence in Saudi Arabia’s vicinity.  Peace in Yemen would enhance regional security and bolster critical areas of concern in US national security in the region.  Eventually, these moves would eliminate the need to provide Yemen humanitarian aid and put future economic support to enhance Yemen's economic development.



References

Human Rights Watch. (2020, January 14). World Report 2020: Rights Trends in Yemen. Human Rights Watch. https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2020/country-chapters/yemen.

United Nations. (2020, March 12). About OCHA Yemen. United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. https://www.unocha.org/yemen/about-ocha-yemen.

Asseburg, M., Lacher, W., & Transfeld, M. (2018, October 1). Mission Impossible? German Institute for International and Security Affairs. https://www.swp-berlin.org/en/publication/mission-impossible-un-mediation-in-libya-syria-and-yemen/.

Debre, I. (2019, December 3). Amnesty: Yemen's disabled are neglected, and suffering. AP NEWS. https://apnews.com/article/d89f85756cb94af99352b1398667d1f2.

Ghobari, M. (2019, May 15). Fighting grips Yemen's Hodeidah port, complicating peace moves. Reuters. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-yemen-security/fighting-grips-yemens-hodeidah-port-complicating-peace-moves-idUSKCN1SL09C.

Laub, Z., & Robinson, K. (2020, July 29). Backgrounder: Yemen in Crisis. Council on Foreign Relations. https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/yemen-crisis.

Michael, M. (2018, December 31). AP Investigation: Food aid stolen as Yemen starves. AP NEWS. https://apnews.com/article/bcf4e7595b554029bcd372cb129c49ab.

Pamuk, H. (2020, May 6). US announces $225 million in emergency aid to Yemen. Reuters. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-health-coronavirus-yemen-aid/u-s-announces-225-million-in-emergency-aid-to-yemen-idUSKBN22I2M8.

Sharp, J. M. (2020, April 23). Yemen: Civil War and Regional Intervention. Washington DC; Congressional Research Service. https://fas.org/sgp/crs/mideast/R43960.pdf.

Werkhauser, N. (2020, February 4). Germany sells arms to members of Saudi-led Yemen coalition: DW: 02.04.2020. Deutsche Welle. https://www.dw.com/en/germany-sells-arms-to-members-of-saudi-led-yemen-coalition/a-53000044.  



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